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TIME: Almanac of the 20th Century
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TIME, Almanac of the 20th Century.ISO
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1990
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93
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apr_jun
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04129933.000
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1994-02-27
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<text>
<title>
(Apr. 12, 1993) Burnt Out
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1993
Apr. 12, 1993 The Info Highway
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
EUROPE, Page 40
Burnt Out
</hdr>
<body>
<p>Prosperity and the death of communism have brought socialism
in Europe to the verge of extinction
</p>
<p>By THOMAS SANCTON/PARIS--With reporting by James O. Jackson/
Bonn, William Mader/London and John Moody/Rome
</p>
<p> Tired and ill with prostate cancer, Francois Mitterrand
sat silently in a Louis XV armchair at the Elysee Palace,
watching election returns. Was it only a dozen years ago that
a vigorous Mitterrand, newly elected as France's Socialist
President, marched solemnly up the steps of the Pantheon and
placed red roses on the tombs of three leftist heroes while the
streets of Paris rang with victory celebrations? Now as the
results of last week's parliamentary vote flickered across the
TV screen, the numbers confirmed what all had suspected: the
Socialist era was over in France. Mitterrand's party had been
swamped by a right-wing tidal wave that swept up 460 of the 577
National Assembly seats and confronted the lame-duck President
with the most lopsided conservative majority since the monarchy
was restored in 1815.
</p>
<p> The French election may well have signaled the final act
in the history of West European socialism, whose roots, like
the very notion of left and right politics, go back to the
French Revolution. From Stockholm to Rome, from Lisbon to Bonn,
socialist and social-democratic movements are in trouble. The
Italian party is entangled in financial scandals that prompted
Bettino Craxi's resignation as chairman and may put dozens of
members behind bars. In Spain, Felipe Gonzalez's party could
well face defeat in elections later this year. Britain's Labour
Party has been unable to win a national election in 14 years,
while Germany's Social Democratic Party has been frozen out of
government since 1982. In Scandinavia, the long-ruling Social
Democrats were ousted from power in the mid-1980s, but they have
recently regained power in Denmark and Sweden, where their main
task will be to trim back their own greatest achievement: the
welfare state.
</p>
<p> The challenges facing all these movements run far deeper
than electoral miseries. The collapse of the communist regimes
of Eastern Europe exposed the bankruptcy of the collectivist
doctrines that lay at the heart of all socialist thought.
"Socialism is a dirty word today," says French sociologist Alain
Touraine. The French and Italian socialist parties are even
considering changing their names to avoid the opprobrium that
voters attach to them.
</p>
<p> The crisis began building long before the Berlin Wall fell
in 1989. The fundamental problem is that an ideology based on
19th century industrial relations has lost its meaning in a
world where the nature of class and work has changed. The
conditions that gave birth to socialism have ceased to exist.
The improved lot of European workers--rising prosperity,
upward social mobility, increased access to property--has
lifted most of them into the middle class and deprived socialist
parties of their natural electoral base. "As a result of
economic changes, the working class all over the West has been
shrinking since the 1960s," says Oxford University lecturer
Vernon Bogdanor. "The old icons, the old ideology are outmoded."
That leads some observers to pronounce the movement dead. "It's
finished," says French social philosopher Jean-Francois Revel.
"It was a great intellectual adventure that turned out to be a
historical parenthesis."
</p>
<p> A more charitable view is that the European left is a
victim of its own success. "The socialist program was
established at the end of the last century," says Jacques
Julliard, a professor at Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences
Sociales. "Most of it has now been achieved: social security
systems, raising the lowest salaries, reducing inequalities."
</p>
<p> Most European socialist parties have long since dropped
their Marxist class-struggle ideology and evolved into
social-democratic movements that embrace the electoral process
and accommodate themselves to a capitalist economy. The French
left's failure to make such changes is instructive. Mitterrand
came to power in 1981 by forming an alliance with the communists
on the basis of a program that called for sweeping
nationalization of industry and generous worker benefits.
Runaway inflation and three devaluations of the franc forced the
Socialists to make a sharp right turn in 1983, and they have
basically pursued free-market policies ever since--without
ever formally renouncing their Marxist principles.
</p>
<p> In the same decade, Britain's Labour Party, long one of
Europe's most rabidly anticapitalist movements, undertook a
nine-year effort to purge radicals from key party positions and
to appeal to a mainstream electorate--so far to little avail.
Labour's problem is that it has not fully abandoned its
anticapitalist rhetoric. That has made voters permanently
skeptical about the party's true intentions.
</p>
<p> Not all the left's problems spring from this ideological
predicament. The French and Spanish parties, both in power for
roughly a decade, are paying the political price for recession
and rising unemployment. Scandals have eroded the strength of
socialist parties in Spain, France and Greece, as well as Italy.
European socialists have also been victims of a disaffection
with party politics that seem out of touch with people's real
concerns and problems. In last week's French elections, nearly
one-third of the voters abstained.
</p>
<p> In moving toward the center, the socialists have ceased to
represent an alternative to the system. On many points, their
policies are now virtually identical with those of the right:
budgetary discipline, privatization, low inflation, free trade.
That may be sound economics, notes Julliard, "but if the left
has no other perspective than growth and monetary stability, why
should anyone vote Socialist today?"
</p>
<p> Some hard-liners, like left-wing Labour M.P. Tony Benn,
argue for a return to old-fashioned "socialist principles." Most
of these parties, however, are desperately seeking to reinvent
themselves. In an explosive speech last February, former French
Prime Minister Michel Rocard, the Socialists' presumed
presidential candidate in 1995, pronounced the old party dead
and called for a "political big bang" that would create a new
constellation of socialists, reform-minded communists, centrists
and human-rights activists. Last weekend Rocard's supporters
ousted party chairman Laurent Fabius and placed Rocard at the
head of a "collective leadership."
</p>
<p> Others are seeking to redefine socialism itself. Michel
Charzat, a French party official, believes that the left must
launch a "project to reconstruct a society in which citizens
come together, discuss, deliberate, make compromises." What the
people are looking for, he says, are "pragmatic responses to
their concerns." Antonio Guterres, secretary-general of the
Portuguese party, calls for "new solutions to new problems" and
points to examples such as job sharing as a possible answer to
unemployment.
</p>
<p> None of these approaches are very precise, but they have
one thing in common: a retreat from ideology. The main lesson
of the French elections, says philosopher Andre Glucksmann, is
"the end of the religious, theological, ideological style of
politics" that the Socialists represented. "Voters no longer
believe in definitive, global solutions. They want politics to
address real problems." He sees French politics evolving into
an American-style two-party system, in which a liberal and a
conservative camp would address issues free from the "dogmatic
Utopianism" that once clouded their debates. At a time when many
Europeans see the Clinton Administration moving toward a
social-democratic approach, with its emphasis on national health
care and industrial policy, that raises the fascinating prospect
of two very different systems converging on the same principle:
using the power of the state to put people first.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>